Sociology

The requirement to state ones racial background in formal applications as practiced on the undergraduate common application form, and in national census, brings to the fore the question of whether such considerations and questions are necessary. While some people may argue that this information is important for the collection of information for statistical reasons, others may frown upon it and dismiss it as a discriminatory practice aimed at certain ethnic or racial groups.

Whereas the common application form for admission into undergraduate studies in an American college indicates that this section is optional, in my opinion, some of the affected individuals may still feel that the sheer inclusion of the section is in itself already discriminatory.

However, it is also apparent that without such information, it would be impossible to have accurate information on the distribution, settlement patterns and statistical data concerning certain groups of people. This may subsequently make the inclusion and provision of essential services to the particular group difficult or impossible, a typical aspect of discrimination. As such, collection of information on an individuals ethnic background and race is in fact intended to place the needs and concerns of the minorities on the map, for equal service provision, equitable planning and resource allocations, including protection and affirmative action. Indeed, how people report themselves racially provides information needed to implement and enforce important legislation, such as the Voting Rights Act (J., Lee, and F., D., Bean (2003), Beyond Black and White Remaking Race in America, pg 95).

In the book, Beyond Black and White Remaking Race in America, the authors point out that nearly 7 million Americans, representing 2.4 percent of the nations population, were recorded as being multiracial (pg 94).

From such findings, it is clear that the American population is witnessing the emergence and growth of a multiracial group of people, typically comprised of the people born by parents of mixed racial backgrounds like a black father and a white mother, an Asian mother and an African American mother, and so on.

It is documented that before the year 2000, filling out application forms like the one for admission for undergraduate studies in American colleges was challenging, because there was no provision of individuals with mixed parents in terms of ethnicity, yet the question required a response. Such an applicant was forced to choose one of either black or white in case the individual had parents from both racial backgrounds. Due to increased intermarriages, especially after the repeal of laws prohibiting marriage between people of different racial backgrounds in America, there has been a rise in the number of people of mixed race, leading to the emergence of a group similar to, but not exactly the typical racial groups of white, black, Indian and the like.

Actually, social scientists generally agree that race is not a biological category, but a social and cultural construction, meaning that racial distinctions have not existed since time immemorial, are not rooted in biology and are not fixed (J., Lee, and F., D., Bean (2003), Beyond Black and White Remaking Race in America, pg 96). The emergence of a new race, the multiracial, as witnessed in the United States should therefore not come as a surprise. Rather, it can be viewed as the result of socio-cultural construction in the present day American society.

Consequently, all signs indicate the emergence of new racial categories in America, which are unique on their own right. These are broadly the offspring of parents from the various different racial backgrounds that constitute the nation of America, who have intermarried to give rise to the new category, the multiracials. It appears that increases in intermarriage and the growth of the multicultural population reflect a blending of races and the shifting of color lines (J., Lee, and F., D., Bean (2003), Beyond Black and White Remaking Race in America, pg 98).

One might therefore argue that if racial boundaries are fading, the use of racial categories ought to be abandoned, and policy made without such considerations, especially in public official documents. This, arguably, would lead to an end of racial discrimination. Nevertheless, the other school of thought may maintain that the information is vital since color discrimination is still prevalent in America today, and intermarriages are skewed and not necessarily growing at the same rate among all the different races. Therefore, this question is still necessary to furnish planning and relevant authorities with information, particularly focusing on disadvantaged and minority groups, especially those that are having a lower rate of intermarriages with other races like the blacks.

In conclusion, it is apparent that while sections about race and ethnicity issues on application forms and national census are justified, some people feel that they are not necessary. This feeling is understandable, considering that it may pass for discrimination. In my opinion, as long as the information is strictly used for the benefit of the respondents as opposed to their disadvantage, it is necessary to include the questions of race and ethnicity. However, the issue of ensuring that the information is not used to the disadvantage of the affected people arises.